Kamala's Loophole to Keep the Border Open - Even if Trump Wins

Alejandro Mayorkas is locking in the Biden-Harris immigration agenda using Temporary Protected Status

Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas is using a loophole in the immigration system to allow millions of foreigners who overstayed their visas to access welfare and prevent the next administration from sending them home.

The case of Haitian immigrants shows how the Democratic Party’s exploitation of poor countries ties into its exploitation of American workers.

Springfield, Ohio only had 58,000 residents in 2020. Over the past 5 years, 20,000 Haitian immigrants poured into that city.

“It’s taxing our infrastructure. It’s taxing public safety. It’s taxing our schools. It’s taxing health care . . . it’s taxing our housing,” Springfield City Manager Bryan Heck told reporters.

But sharp influxes of low-income immigrants don’t only drain resources from middle-class taxpayers. It also harms working-class Americans by driving down wages and driving up the cost of rent for low-income housing.

Parole for Illegal Aliens

The sudden influx of Haitians comes because the Biden-Harris administration added Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Cubans to the Venezuelan parole program on Jan. 5, 2023. This allows up to 30,000 people per month to enter the U.S. from these countries with no more vetting than that of a tourist.

Restoration News has explained how the parolee program represents a way to legalize illegal immigration:

This scheme hinges on a legal loophole allowing the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to select foreigners to our country by designating them “parolees.” Parolees are not asylees or refugees waiting in America for a future court date, though they do often obtain asylum in the U.S. Instead, they’re people who are not otherwise authorized to enter the U.S.—and would be considered illegal aliens if they did so without the government’s help—yet are helped inside anyway by executive fiat.

The reason the Biden-Harris administration gives is straightforward. People are going to try to enter the U.S. without applying for a visa, so the government may as well let them in.

The administration gave it a test-run with Venezuelans and—because it got away with it politically—decided to add three more poor countries to the list. This allows people from these countries to fly directly into the American heartland without having to make the treacherous journey through Central America with migrant caravans. Besides, secretive flights are more optical to voters than thousands of unvetted foreigners rushing the southern border in broad daylight on CNN.

From a security standpoint, this policy presents a danger to Americans because the U.S. has no relations with Venezuela, and the government of Haiti remains in permanent disarray. In testimony to the House of Representatives, on July 24, 2024, FBI Director Christopher Wray admitted his concern about terrorists using fake identification from countries in which the U.S. lacks “sources of information.”

(RELATED: Biden’s Secret Express Lane for Importing Illegal Aliens)

Temporary Protected Status Offers Another Backdoor to Amnesty

The Biden-Harris parole program only grants recipients 2 years in the U.S., which means the earliest Haitian parolees’ stay would have expired in Jan. 2025.

On June 28, 2024, Mayorkas extended the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for 309,000 Haitians living in the country. It also allowed those in the country since the beginning of June to apply for an initial 18-month round of TPS, which would begin on August 4, 2024, and last until February 3, 2026.

Congress created TPS in the Immigration Act of 1990 to grant “temporary protected status and work authorization to aliens in the United States who are nationals of countries designated by the Attorney General to be subject to armed conflict, natural disaster, or other extraordinary temporary conditions.” TPS designation passed to the DHS Secretary in 2003.

Unlike other forms of immigration, TPS taxes the American welfare system. When Congress and former President Bill Clinton passed welfare reform in 1996, they excluded most immigrants from welfare programs. They made exceptions for asylees and those paroled for more than a year, likely assuming the government would only afford TPS in extraordinary circumstances and promptly send recipients home at the end of 18 months.

TPS, however, has become a blank check to keep immigrant constituencies in the Democratic Party and provide a steady cheap workforce to big business. Just in the first two years of the Biden-Harris administration, Mayorkas more than doubled the number of TPS recipients, bringing it to over 600,000.

Most TPS recipients are from poor countries with frequent inclement weather and political instability. During the 18-month period, another hurricane or coup often occurs, giving the DHS Secretary a reason to extend it.

For instance, in 2016, Hondurans received a TPS extension because of disasters like “climate fluctuations,” mosquitoes, and a “coffee rust epidemic.” Mayorkas recently extended TPS for the Nepalese because of the Nepal earthquake of 2015, for Nicaraguans because of Hurricane Mitch in 1998, and, on July 22, 2024, for Somalians because of the Somali Civil War in 1991—two years before the Black Hawk Down Incident.

Vice President Kamala Harris has sought to use TPS as a pathway to citizenship. In an interview with Univision in 2021, she said the Biden-Harris administration wanted “[to allow] people who have temporary protected status, in particular, Dreamers and TPS holders, to automatically get green cards.”

The Biden-Harris model to flood the U.S. with cheap labor and transform it into “a nation of immigrants” includes enticing normally ineligible citizens from poor countries like Haiti with parole. The new arrivals then become eligible for TPS. This allows them to remain indefinitely without visas until Democrats gain a trifecta in the federal government to give TPS holders green cards and eventual citizenship.

(RELATED: Blame “Border Czar” Kamala Harris for the Border Debacle)

The Democratic Party’s Exploitation of Haitians Harms Workers

“Haiti, for all intents and purposes became the 51st state at 4:53 p.m. Tuesday in the wake of its deadly earthquake,” wrote Time’s Mark Thompson on Jan. 16, 2010. “This marked the beginning of what Thompson dubbed the U.S. government’s “compassionate invasion” of the devastated country, which Secretary of State Hilary Clinton guided.

Less than a year earlier, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon named her husband, former President Bill Clinton, Special Envoy for Haiti. The former president soon accepted the co-chairmanship of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, the quasi-government body that allocated funds for aid relief.

As president, Clinton’s agricultural policy of subsidizing rice farmers in his native Arkansas devastated Haiti, driving many Haitians to devastating urban poverty or starvation.

The earthquake provided a rare legitimate reason to extend TPS for an affected population. But only 48,000 Haitians took advantage of the initial TPS offer in 2010. When it came time for renewal, 18 months later, Mayorkas—then Director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services—announced DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano’s decision to extend TPS to Haitians who arrived up to a year after the earthquake.

Ten years and multiple renewals later, Mayorkas, as Biden’s newly confirmed DHS Secretary, crafted a new TPS for Haitians from scratch. The new TPS barely mentioned the earthquake and cited “human rights abuses, crippling poverty, and lack of basic resources, which are exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.”

This description could apply to most countries, including parts of the U.S. Conservatives consider mask mandates, extended remote learning, and forced lockdowns as human rights abuses, and COVID-19 exacerbated poverty everywhere.

Mayorkas’ initial 2021 TPS designation boosted eligible Haitians from 48,000 in 2010 to more than 100,000, a fragment of what would follow under the Biden-Harris parole policy.

The Haitian redesignation followed a lobbying campaign by more than 500 leftwing activists from the media, non-governmental organizations, and academia. In a letter on April 27th to Biden, Harris, Mayorkas, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the activists pleaded the case for a new TPS for Haitians based on reasoning without merit in the Immigration Act of 1990:

With an increasingly authoritarian president who has been ruling unconstitutionally without a parliament for over a year, now claiming his mandate extends through January 2022, and with well-attended daily protests in response, the political situation is unstable, fragile and extremely dangerous. . . . In January 2020, the mandates of all but 10 members of Parliament and all mayors terminated due to delayed elections, leaving President Jovenel Moïse to run the country without legislative oversight and in violation of the Haitian Constitution.

Haiti has long remained politically volatile, and none of those reasons rise to the level of “armed conflict, natural disaster, or other extraordinary temporary conditions.”

Imagine if a foreign country’s activists argued during the Trump administration that Americans should be allowed to remain there without visas because Trump posed “a threat to democracy.”

A team of assassins killed Moïse in his home, on July 7, 2021, eliminating the “increasingly authoritarian president” and the raison d’etre for Haitian TPS, according to activists.

Tens of thousands of Haitians, meanwhile, joined the migrant caravans en route to the southern border. Most of them, including the new TPS recipients, didn’t come from their birth-country but from Brazil where they moved after the earthquake. From 2019 to 2021, they formed the largest ethnic group passing through the Darien Gap in Panama on their way to the U.S.

They had no reason to consider the possibility of being turned away at the border or deported. The wait time to go before an asylum judge stood at 2.4 years in the summer of 2021. TPS lasts 18 months. It didn’t matter if the Biden-Harris administration passed amnesty, because Mayorkas was guaranteed to renew their status before their court date.

But they did get turned away. And those who crossed the border did get deported.

In September 2021, 15,000 Haitians crossed into Del Rio, Texas, a city of 35,000, and formed a squalid encampment. This came at a bad moment for Democrats, who were gearing up for the 2022 midterm elections in a tough economy.

Biden decided to start flying them directly to Haiti, where many of them had not lived in a decade. This would create a self-deporting effect, as others realized they would not be allowed to remain in the U.S.

To accomplish this, the Biden-Harris administration struck a corrupt bargain with Haiti’s interim president, Dr. Ariel Henry, according to U.S. Special Envoy to Haiti, Ambassador Daniel Foote. In exchange for repatriating the illegal aliens, the administration looked the other way when Henry canceled the country’s presidential and parliamentary elections and constitutional referendum set for two months later—thus becoming everything pro-TPS activists had accused Moïse of being.

Anger in Haiti grew toward the undemocratic Henry administration, and the country further collapsed economically and politically. While Henry was abroad in early March 2024, armed street gangs took over 80 percent of the capital Port-au-Prince, including the airport, stranding Henry in Jamaica.

On March 11th, Blinken met with the Caribbean trade block Caricom in Jamaica to establish a transitional presidential council for Haiti.

He also pledged $100 million from American taxpayers for a Kenyan police force to occupy Haiti, despite international peacekeeping forces’ poor record in the country.

From 2004 to 2017, the United Nations kept a similar peacekeeping force in Haiti, which left behind a legacy of murder, torture, and rape of the local population. They also introduced cholera that killed over 10,000 Haitians.

The next day, on April 12th, Henry resigned.

On May 28, 2024, the transitional council picked Bill Clinton’s former chief-of-staff—when he was Special Envoy for Haiti—Garry Conille, to govern as interim prime minister. The council postponed any future elections until February 2026.

As Haiti spirals from one Democratic administration’s puppet to the next and one international occupation force to the next, millions of Haitians will continue to seek an escape route. The Biden-Harris administration’s parole and TPS policies recruit them to flood the U.S. The TPS timeline also ensures a Trump administration would not be able to deport them until at least 2026 when it becomes a midterm political issue.

TPS, as it’s written, is a scam for immigrant constituencies to grow their own ethnic numbers in the U.S.—contributing to American disunity—and for big business to accrue cheap labor—contributing to falling standards of living for American workers. Congress should revisit the TPS clause of the Immigration Act of 1990 to rein in future rogue administrations like Biden-Harris, by requiring legislative approval each TPS case in the future.

(READ MORE: Senate Dems on Shaky Ground When It Comes to Non-Citizen Voting)

Jacob Grandstaff is a freelance writer in Tennessee. He graduated from the National Journalism Center in Washington, D.C.